Sartaj Hafiz & Mohd Hussain Ganie

Abstract

The rise and growth of Indian Nationalism is closely related to the anti-colonial movement. It was the outcome of the actions and interactions of numerous subjective and objective forces which developed within Indian society under the colonial rule and influence of world events. Hitherto, role of press, education, economic critique of nationalism by early nationalists (Moderates) and contribution of socio-religious reform movements, despite their limitations, have been frequently cited and used as the vehicles for the emergence of Indian nationalism. The glaring omission among these vehicles is the tremendous contribution by vernacular literature particularly Urdu in both prose and poetry. The most interesting thing one finds is that Urdu was not confined or associated with Muslim community, instead, a large number of Hindus made significant contribution through Urdu medium even before and after the communalization of Languages. Within this context, the paper attempts to explore the rise of Indian nationalism through some Urdu sources such as journals, prose and poetry works which largely remained an unexplored area regarding the emergence of Indian nationalism.

Introduction on the Genesis and Meaning of Indian Nationalism.

 

Before moving to the main context, it seems imperative here to comprehend some distinctive features of the nationalism. It is a historically evolving phenomenon with six essential ingredients given by a noted historian and author of a widely read work What is History? E. H. Carr:

• The idea of a common government whether as a realityin the present or past, or as an aspiration of the future.
• Acertain size and closeness of contact between all its individual
• Amore or less defined
• Certain characteristics (mostly language) clearly distinguishing the nation from other nations andnon-national groups.
• Certaininterests common to the individual
• A certain degree of common feeling or will, associated with a picture of the nation in theminds of the individual members.¹

 

Noted scholar Achin Vanaik eloquently pointed out four ways of emerging of nation states in post-1945 which include:

• The first one is what Benedict Anderson has called‘Creole’ or ‘Settler Nationalism’ of the new world where language was not the distinctive feature of nationhood or nation state formation
• Then came the linguistic-based territorial nationalisms of Western and Eastern Europe where national yearnings were related to the dissolution of the Habsburg, Ottoman and Tsarist multinational empires.
• Inthis century, came the tide of anti-colonial nationalism where the national interest was more related the existence of self-conscious national  This was kind of nature was seen in Indian Nationalism, as in Vietnam, which is intimately connected to the anti-colonial movement
• The last one is post-colonial nationalisms whose basis are new and cannot be ascribed to the distorting legacies of the colonial rule. For example Bangladesh, Tamil nationalism in Sri Lanka, etc.²

The emergence and nature of Indian nationalism is, therefore, one of the most contesting issues among the historians.³ But it is widely agreed view that Indian Nationalism is one of the by-products of colonialism. It emerged as an outcome of a long struggle of Indians against the British colonial rule. Therefore, Nationalism like secularism and communalism is essentially a modern phenomenon.⁴

Many factors are cited playing decisive role for the rise of Indian nationalism. These include the common feeling of colonial subjugation, the advent of railway and telegraph, the introduction of ‘print culture’, the spread of modern education, among many others. Although it is difficult to define the phenomenon of nationalism, yet Dash (1958) defined it eloquently that “Nationalism is an abstract concept and a concrete reality. It is a positive consciousness of unity, homogeneity and national aspiration and it is simultaneously a desire to escape the odium of a common subjection and national injustice or injury”.⁵

Indian nationalism, thus, emerged out of many circumstances which forced Indians to think in a way that their primary goal was to retain that historical glory which they had lost at the hands of the British Colonialism. “As the self-professed mission of the colonisers was to elevate the colonized from their present state of decadence to a desired state of progress towards modernity, it became imperative for the latter to contest that stamp of backwardness and assert that they too were capable of uniting and ruling themselves within the structural framework of a modern state. So the challenge of nationalism in colonial India was twofold: to forge a national unity and to claim its right to self-determination”.⁶ In other words, one can say that if the British attempted, through various means such as education and railways, to colonize the mind of the Indian intelligentsia, the latter selectively appropriated and manipulated those means to develop their own critique of colonialism.⁷ Desai also points that Indian nationalism was the result of the actions and interactions of various subjective and objective forces which developed within Indian society under the conditions of British rule and impact of world forces.⁸

It is widely known that the intelligentsia such as the poets, philosophers, writers and other literary persons always played a significant role shaping the ideas and attitude of the society. In India, Vernacular literature and press too played a decisive role in inculcating the nationalist ideas among the Indian people and motivated them to fight against the British, rather ‘Brutish’ as Tharoor puts it, rule in India. Thus, Sarkar says, “A broadly similar pattern of connection between nationalism and the development of regional literature can be seen in other parts of the country, along a varied time-scale which again corresponded roughly to the emergence of patriotic activity in particular areas”.⁹

In this backdrop and background, we find many regional languages playing their role in forging the idea of nationalism in the mind of common masses of the country. Being one of the vernaculars, Urdu played a pivotal role in the spread of the ideas and feelings of patriotism among a mass of the people in the country. Though Urdu largely centred around northern India but it had its reach in almost the whole of the subcontinent. But it has been unfortunately made to appear a language exclusively related to poetry of loved and beloved and religiously dominated language of a particular community- Muslims throughout the subcontinent. But by surveying and exploring the Urdu sources closely, we find that Urdu prose and nationalist poetry played an important role in the emergence of Indian nationalism which has been entirely neglected in the existing literature on the emergence of nationalist thought in India.

 

Urdu played a vital role in the socio-cultural, economic and political landscape of the Indian subcontinent. The history of the origin and development of this language goes to the Turkish invasions of India. The language which originated and developed through a proper linguistic process during the Turkish and Mughal era of the Indian history became the lingua franca of the northern plains of the Indian subcontinent’.¹⁰ “Urdu is a sacred heritage which the Hindus and Muslims have inherited from their forefathers and it is indivisible”¹¹, thus beautifully summed up by Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru many years ago.

 

We see the expression of the contemporary situation in both poetic and prose forms of Urdu. The decline of the Mughal Empire, the rise of the regional kingdoms and their subsequent surrender before the British could be seen expressed eloquently in this language. The famous shahar ashoob¹² (misfortunes of the city) was the best manifestation of the socio-economic and political turmoil after the fall of Delhi into the hands of the British.

 

Raja Ram Narain ‘Maozoon’, one of the friends of Bengal Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula, expressed grief at the

latter’s death in the first decisive battle called as Battle of Plassey (1757) through the following couplet:

Ghazaalan tum to waqif ho kaho Majnoon ke marne ki.

Diwana mar gya aakhir ko veerane pe kya guzri.¹³

 

(Gazelles you are aware of his death, tell us how Majnoon died.

The rabid lover has died and what happened to the desert?)

 

The uprising of 1857 and its aftermath was one of the highly expressed events in the history of the Urdu language and literature. The despair, disappointment and pain could be seen displayed by the last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar in one of his poems:

Gai yak-ba-yak jo hawa palat nahin dil ko mere qarar hai.

karūñ us sitam ko maiñ kyā bayāñ mirā ġham se siina figār hai ¹⁴

 

(Suddenly the wind has started blowing in the different direction, my heart has no peace How may I express that despair, my heart is broken with sadness and dejection)

 

The noted poets of India such as Mir Taqi Mir (1723-1810), Bahadur Shah Zafar (1775-1862), Mohammad Ibrahim Zauq (1790-1854), Mirza Ghalib (1797-1869), Momin Khan Momin (1800-1851), and Altaf Hussain Hali (1837-1914) etc. didn’t miss any chance to add their pain and social angst into their words. Writers like Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898), Maulvi Zakaullah (1832-1910), Maulvi Nazir Ahmad (1830-1912), Shibli Nomani (1857-1914), Altaf Hussain Hali (1837-1914), Muhammad Hussain Azad (1830-1910) and Prem Chand (1880-1936) wrote comprehensively on the socio-economic, cultural and political situation of the period.

The second half of the nineteenth century, particularly after the revolt of 1857, saw many such events which led to the emergence of nationalist feelings among Indians. The failure of the revolt of 1857 was one of the biggest jolt to Indians; making them realise how weak, undisciplined and primitive they were? The socio- economic condition along with the political decline was the real mirror for Indians to understand their worth and to struggle for better future as a nation. The ill treatment meted out to the Indians after the revolt and many anti-India policies of the British in later decades were also something for Indians to be pondered upon, to be understood and to be addressed in a better way. Incidents like the passing of Vernacular Press Act (1878), the Ilbert Bill Controversy (1884), the mismanagement and exploitation during the great famine (1876-1878), the Delhi Darbar (1877) ceremony at a time when people were dying in great numbers, the attitude of the British towards Indian National Congress etc. were enough to open the eyes of Indians and expose the real nature of the British rule.

‘The Economic Critique of the British Colonialism’ or ‘Economic Nationalism’, a term coined by noted historian on modern Indian history Bipan Chandra, by leaders like Dadabai Naoroji, M. G. Ranade and R. C. Dutt played a vital role in understanding the brutal fact that the essence of British imperialism lay in the subordination of the Indian economy to the British economy.¹⁵ These early nationalists, as they are often called, described all the three aspects of colonial domination through trade, industry and finance. They understood that the colonialism no longer functioned through the crude tools of plunder, tribute and

 

mercantilism but it operated through a more complex mechanism of free trade and foreign capital investment.’¹⁶ In the meanwhile the socio-economic condition of the country was also very precarious. All such events forced Indians to think about the sufferings of their motherland at the hands of British imperialism and to make efforts for socio-economic and political elevation of the country. In this background one can see that how the Urdu literature and journalism played a vital role in addressing the situation and in the development and progress of nationalism in India.

Urdu writing intelligentsia, therefore, also focussed upon the issues related to the collective sufferings of India as a nation. Though religion remained one of the main areas of writings in Urdu, but seeing the overall discourse of the language, we find a plethora of writings on socio-economic and political matters. The exploitative and autocratic nature of the British rule had been exposed to the Indians with the passage of time and the reaction to it can be seen widely in the writings of that time. This was also well articulated by a noted historian of modern India “The initial and natural form of expression of the patriotism of intelligentsia was through literature in the regional languages”.¹⁷

The Urdu writing people had responded to every incident related to any aspect of life whether social, political or economic. It is necessary to see this response not only as a reaction to the prevailing situation but also as an emergence of the nationalist consciousness among Indians. Poets like Altaf Hussain Hali (1837- 1914), Akbar Allahabadi (1846-1921) and Muhammad Iqbal (1876-1938) among many others wrote poems on the sufferings of their motherland; focussing upon the unity among its citizens and a united struggle against the British rule. Hali (1837-1914) wrote in his poem ‘Hubb-e-Watan (1874)’

 

“baiThe be-fikr kyā ho ham-vatano uTTho ahl-e-vatan ke dost bano

tum agar chāhte ho mulk kī ḳhair na kisī ham-vatan ko samjho ġhair ho musalmān us meñ yā hindū bodh mazhab ho yā ki ho brahamū ja’afrī hove yā ki ho hanafī

jīn-mat hove yā ho vaishnavī

 

sab ko mīThī nigāh se dekho samjho āñkhoñ kī putliyāñ sab ko mulk haiñ ittifāq se āzād” ¹⁸

(Why are you sitting unconcerned, O my countrymen Get up and befriend each other

If you want your country’s wellbeing Don’t look upon any compatriot as a stranger

Be it a Muslim or a Hindu Be it a Buddhist or a Brahman

Be it a Ja’afri (Shia) or a Hanafi (sunni)

 

Be it a Jain or a Vaishnavite

 

See everyone with sweet eyes See everyone as pupils of the eyes

The nations are free by unity)

 

Hali’s another poem ‘Delhi-e-marhoom’ was published during this period. In this poem the poet has also bewailed the glory of Delhi. The title of the poem itself signifies the pain of the poet seeing the deceased glory of the city; which was once the cultural center of the eastern hemisphere. The desperation, desertification and decline of the glorious city have been painfully described in allegorical words. The poet begins with the couplet:

 

tazkira dehli-e-marhūm kā ai dost na chheḌ

 

na sunā jā.egā ham se ye fasānā hargiz¹⁹

 

O friend of mine! discuss not the tale of that deceased Delhi I will not be able to listen to this story

Akbar Allahabadi (1846-1921), known as the predecessor of Iqbal, was one of the real interpreters of the emotions and aspirations of the people. He wrote ‘Barq-e-Kalisa’ which seems a love poem at the first glance, where the poet is describing the allure of love at first sight. However, the poem transforms midway into a critique of those Muslims who had forgotten the repercussions of the revolt. The poet complains about the absence of the passion of fighting against the British in his people. Describing the glorious past in an allegorical way the poet has complained satirically of the absence of the heroes of Islam who fought against oppression and stood firm against the unjust rule.

 

“shajar-e-tūr kā is baaġh meñ paudā hī nahīñ Gesu-e-hur ka is daur mein sauda hi nahin²⁰. (There is no tree of Toor in this garden

There is no yearning of hur {heavenly virgin} in this age)

 

Iqbal (1877-1938) wrote many poems in the love of the homeland (watan). In 1904 he wrote his famous

Tarana-e-Hindi (Song of Hind) which begins with the couplet,

 

sare jahan se acha Hindustan hamara hum bulbulen hain iski yeh gulsitan hamara²¹ (Our Hindustan is better than the whole world We are its nightingales and it is our garden)

In 1905, Iqbal wrote Hindustani Bachon ka Qaumi Geet (National Anthem for Indian children) in which he expressed his love towards the homeland by presenting a historical outline of the arrival of Muslims and the formation of a composite culture in India. In one of the couplets Iqbal goes to the extent of linking the proximity of his country with the Prophet Muhammad (570-632 CE), where he says:

 

vahdat kī lai sunī thī duniyā ne jis makāñ se

 

mīr-e-arab ko aa.ī ThanDī havā jahāñ se

 

merā vatan vahī hai merā vatan vahī hai²²

 

The house from where the world had heard the tune of unity.

 

From where the Holy Prophet had felt cool breeze That same is my homeland, that same is my homeland.

Iqbal wrote the famous poem Naya Shivala during that period which is the best example of Iqbal’s philosophy of patriotism, inclusiveness and humanism. Emphasizing upon the need of unity among his people, the poet invites the Brahman to build a new temple of divinity where all of his people could get united. Seeing divinity in every dust particle of his nation Iqbal wrote:

 

patthar kī mūratoñ meñ samjhā hai tū ḳhudā hai

 

ḳhāk-e-vatan kā mujh ko har zarra devtā hai²³ You think that God resides in the stone idols Each speck of the motherland is God to me

However the pluralist ideals held by Iqbal were exchanged later with Pan-Islamic values where he advocated for a united Ummah rather an Indian nation. Referring towards the past glory of the Muslims he wrote in 1909 the famous Tarana-e-Milli where all symbols of nationalism were exchanged for Muslim credentials.

 

chīn-o-arab hamārā hindostāñ hamārā

 

muslim haiñ ham vatan hai saarā jahāñ hamārā²⁴ Central Asia and Arabia are ours, Hindustan is ours Since we are Muslims, the whole world is our homeland

Tilok Chand Mahroom (1887-1966) also wrote many poems related to the love for the homeland and the sufferings of the nation. In one of his poem titled as Khaak-e-Hind (soil of India), he described impressively the glory and eminence of his nation.

 

anjum se baḌh ke terā har zarra zau-fishāñ hai jalvoñ se tere ab tak husn-e-azal ayaañ hai andāz-e-dil-farebī jo tujh meñ hai kahāñ hai

faḳhr-e-zamāna tū hai aur nāzish-e-jahāñ hai uftādgī meñ bhī to ham-auj-e-āsmāñ hai

”ai ḳhāk-e-hind terī azmat meñ kyā gumāñ hai”²⁵

 

Every particle of yours is more radiating than the stars With your splendour the eternal beauty is evident till today

Your style of fascination is nowhere You are proud of the time and world

 

Even at the time of distress and decline you are equal to the glorious sky O the soil of India there is no doubt in your greatness

The turn of the century had brought with it a number of such incidents which not only awakened Hindus

but other communities as well. The autocratic rule of Lord Curzon (1898-1904) had made the things worse which brought an Indian reaction to the fore. The partition of Bengal (1905) on communal lines was opposed in large number, though supported by the elite section of the Muslim community for their vested interests. The formation of the Muslim League in 1906 was an attempt by the Muslim elite to defend their political demands and aspirations. Defending political demands was not bad but interpreting them on communal lines was problematic. We find a number of prominent Muslims opposing such kind of approach. Emphasizing about sympathy of Muslims with Congress an article goes as following,

A few nonsense people say that Muslims don’t have sympathy with the Congress. But this is as deceiving as declaring a day a night. Muslims are not foolish that they don’t defend their rights. Don’t they understand that their national interests are similar to that of the Hindus? It is possible that a few Muslims remain away from the Congress for their personal interests but such examples are also among the Hindus. We believe that Muslims have sympathy with the aims of the Congress and they are not unaware of their political rights.²⁶

Even a number of writings in Urdu suggest the clubbing of the League with the Congress to make a common platform for the sake of national unity against the colonial onslaught. It should be also noted here that there many nationalist Muslims such as Maulana Mazharul Haque of Bihar in an editorial of his own English Weekly, The Motherland (January 9, 1922) also proposed for the merger of the Muslim League into the Congress with a sole purpose of national unity against the colonial power.²⁷ One writer named Syed Mohammad Farooq in favour of merging League and the Congress. He said:

 

After discussing above about the League politics, it becomes advisable to club it into the Congress. The founders of the League should shun their negative opinions regarding the Congress and it should agree with the congress on the common matters.²⁸

 

The Swadeshi and Boycott movement in the opposition of the partition of Bengal (1905) had made the compulsion of the Hindu-Muslim unity more clear and profound. It was felt that the communal politics of the League could be disastrous and harmful for the national movement that’s why we find that people like Aurobindo Ghosh writing in the famous Urdu-e-Mualla about solving the rift between the Congress and the Muslim leadership. He says:

 

“To solve this problem (Congress-Muslims rift) some points are to be kept in mind. Firstly, that the reason for our differences is mutual misunderstanding. Secondly, that love begets love. Thirdly, the leadership on both the sides should deliberate upon the issues.²⁹

 

A number of Muslim writers, although a lesser known fact, advocated the full fledged Muslim participation in the Swadeshi movement. Addressing his fellow community (Muslims) a contributor writes in Zamana:

 

“It is not good to leave the Swadeshi movement because of its relation with the partition of Bengal. Can anyone stop this blessed effort (promotion of Swadeshi) even if the partition of Bengal gets delayed? We should shun the old opinions which lead us to oppose the Swadeshi. We should promote the communal harmony because the level of destruction which can be caused by this disharmony is not unimaginable for all”³⁰

 

Focussing upon unity and commitment among Indians for fighting for freedom, an article in Zamana goes as following:

 

“This is true but we will say that this is our own fault because we don’t create the sense of national perseverance. When the government took us seriously it was the time when we showed them national unity and perseverance. But the hearts of we Indians are still not at the stage being national and perseverant. This is the reason that government doesn’t give importance

 

to their aspirations and treat them with indignation. It would be better that we spend this

energy which we waste in discussing irrelevant topics, in struggle for freedom”.³¹

 

It further argues that the “The basic requirement for unity is a brain without prejudice, which could

appreciate along with his co-religionists, the good things of the people of other religions”.³²

 

Hasrat Mohani (1875-1951), noted poet and Communism-inspired Muslim Nationalist leader, vehemently supported the movement; he even defended it through the verses of holy Quran, arguing that the Quran decrees its followers to not cooperate with the infidels (British). In one of the issues of the Urdu-e-Mualla, Hasrat Mohani wrote an article titled as Woh aayaat-e-Qurani jin mein mawalaat-e-kuffaar mana hai ³³ (Those Quranic verses in which the cooperation with the infidels is prohibited). By quoting a number of Quranic verses, he made the point that according to the holy Quran the cooperation with the British is prohibited (haram) for the Muslims; thus repudiating the loyalist attitude of the Muslim league in the anti- partition movement of Bengal. Tilok Chand Mahroom’s poem Sudeshi Tahreek (Swadeshi Movement) also advocated Swadeshi as the panacea for national sufferings which explicitly manifests in the following couplets:

 

vatan ke dard-e-nihāñ kī davā sudeshī hai

 

ġharīb qaum kī hājat-ravā sudeshī hai³⁴

 

Swadeshi is the panacea for the concealed pain of the nation. It is one who fulfill the needs of the poor nation

The reason behind the advocacy of Swadeshi can be understood going through many such writings in different journals and magazines. Its importance is depicted in an article as following, where the author emphasizes upon the ‘economic freedom’ as a prerequisite for political freedom which was always proclaimed later on by freedom fighters like Bhagat Singh and Jawahar Lal Nehru. The author says:

 

A country cannot achieve its political rights without its economic progress. Our leaders cry for political freedom but no one pays attention towards the fact that economic progress is the precondition for political freedom.³⁵

 

 

 

British imperialism had deteriorated the economic condition of the country to such an extent that the common masses were unable to meet the primary requirements of life. Hasrat Mohani also portrays in an emotive way the sufferings of the Indian masses:

 

In gatherings or during the journey on the third class train, after seeing the ignorance and poverty of the masses, a majority of the people think that it will take a long time to make the masses aware of politics and in this situation the opinion of freedom can’t survive. But for me the only reason behind it is the large gap between the elite class and the masses³⁶.

 

Munshi Naubat Rai ‘Nazar’ Lakknavi (1864-1923) wrote a poem titled as Tegh-e-Hind in which he not only reminded people of their country’s glorious past but also prompts them to awake and launch a united struggle against the colonial onslaught. He conveys his message through the following poem:

 

Kaun se goshe mein hai ae tegh e Hindi tu nihaan. Dhoom thi teri rawani ki mayan e do jahan.

Ghalghala tha khoon fishani ka teri konen mein. Kaanpte the teri haibat se zameen o aasmaan.

Mulk malamaal tha jab tak ke thi tu haath mein.

 

Tere hi dam se tha yeh Hindostan jannat nishan.³⁷

 

In 1906, Munshi Daya Narayan Nigam (1882-1942), a Hindu literary personality originally from Kanpur and editor of Zamana (1903), raised some pertinent queries to prominent Muslim minds and political leaders regarding the Swadeshi movement. Poet and Philosopher Mohammad Iqbal (1877-1938), in Cambridge in those days, replied sophistically to the questions of the editor. In his reply, Iqbal emphasizing upon the economic and political importance of Swadeshi, says:

 

A country cannot achieve its political rights without its economic progress. Our leaders cry for political freedom but no one pay attention towards the fact that economic progress is the pre-condition for political freedom.³⁸

 

This is reminiscent of what the later stalwarts of India’s freedom struggle said like Nehru and Bhagat Singh. They too thought on the same lines that without economic freedom, political liberation would remain meaningless.

 

Thus, it can be safely said that the Muslim advocates of Urdu never used it to define their identarian claims and always saw Urdu language as a product of Hindu-Muslim interaction. From the aforesaid discussion, it can be also inferred that Urdu has a remarkable contribution in the development of nationalism in India. Another important finding of this paper is that it was the British rule which communalized Indian languages that is Hindi for Hindus and Urdu for Muslims which was not the case before the establishment and expansion of the foreign rule in the subcontinent.

 

References

 

 

¹ E. H. Carr, Nationalism, 1939, cited in A. R. Desai, Social Background of Indian Nationalism.

² Achin Vanaik, Furies of Indian Communalism: Religion, Modernity and Secularization, Verso, London, 1997, p. 30.

³ For some recent reflections on the debate, see Sekhar Bandopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern India,

Hyderabad, 2004, pp. 184-191.

⁴ This was the point earlier pointed by Nehru in his The in 1936 that “we should not forget that communalism is a latter-day phenomenon has grown up before own eyes”, see S. Gopal (ed.), Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, vol. 7, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1972, p. 69.

⁵ S. C. Dash, Nature and Significance of Indian Nationalism, The Indian Journal of Political Science , January-March 1958, Vol. 19, No. 1 (January-March 1958), pp. 63-72 (Published by: Indian Political Science Association)

⁶ Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern India, Orient Blackswan Private Limited, 2009, p. 184

⁷ Ibid, 210.

⁸ A. R. Desai, Social Background of Indian Nationalism, p. 21.

⁹ Sumit Sarkar, Modern India 1885-1947, Macmillan India Ltd. 1983, p. 83

¹⁰ For details see Masud Hussain Khan, Muqaddama-e-Tareekh-e-Zaban-e-Urdu, Educational Book House Aligarh, 1999, pp. 71- 107, 150-187 and Mirza Khalil Ahmad Beg, Urdu ki Lisani Tashkeel, Educational Book House Aligarh, 1985, pp. 46-98

¹¹ Sahitya Akadmi, ‘Urdu: A language of composite culture’, Indian Literature Vol. 19, (July-August 1976), pp.48-53.

¹² Famous Urdu poets like Hatim, Mirza Muhammad Rafi Sauda, Mir Taqi Mir and Nazir Akbarabadi wrote a number of Shahr Ashoob in which they lamented the socio-political and economic turmoil of Delhi in the eighteenth century. Even Mir’s Urdu poetry is famous as Dil aur Dilli ka marsiya (lament of heart and Delhi).

¹³ Mir Hasan Dehlavi, (Compiled by Syed Shah Ata-ur-Rahman Ata Kakwi) Tazkira-e-Shora-e-Urdu, Azeem-sh-Shaan Book Depot, Sultanganj Patna, 1971, 87-88

¹⁴ Ali Jawad Zaidi, Urdu mein Qaumi Shayari ke sau (100) saal, Prakash Shakha, Communication Dept. UP, 1959, pp. 67-68.

¹⁵ For detailed account on Economic Nationalism, see Bipan Chandra, The Rise and Growth of Economic nationalism in India: Economic Policies of Indian National Leadership, 1880-1905, People’s Publishing House, New Delhi, 1966.

¹⁶ Bipan Chandra, India’s struggle for Independence, Penguin Books New Delhi, 1989, p. 92

¹⁷ Sumit Sarkar, Modern India, Macmillan India Ltd. New Delhi, 2007, pp. 82-83

¹⁸ Ibne Kanwal, Intakhab-e-sukhan, Kitabi Duniya, 2005-2008, p 32

¹⁹ Zaidi, Ali Jawad, Urdu mein qaumi Shayari ke Sau (100) saal, Deptt. Of Informations, Uttar Pradesh, 26 January 1959, p 112

²⁰ Akbar Illahabadi, Kulliyat-e-Akbar Illahabadi, Star Electric Printing Works, Allahabad, 1926

²¹ Muhammad Iqbal, Bang-e-Dara (Kulliyat-e-Iqbal), Aitqaad Publishing House, Delhi, 1981, p. 83

²² Ibid, 87

²³ Ibid, p. 88

²⁴ Ibid, p. 159

²⁵ Ali Jawad Zaidi, Urdu Mein Qaumi Shayari Ke Sau Saal, p 148

²⁶ Razi,“Congress”Azad, Sept.-Oct 1904, p.23

²⁷ For details on the subject, See Mohammad Sajjad, Muslim Politics in Bihar: Changing Contours, Routledge, New Delhi, 2014 and Remembering Muslim Makers of Modern Bihar, Brown Book Publication, Aligarh/Delhi, 2019.

²⁸ Sayed Mohd Farooq, “Congress-League”. Azad, Aug. 1907, p.18

²⁹ Art. Aurobindo Ghosh, ‘Risala Swaraj aur Musalmaan (tr.)’ Mualla, Oct. 1909, p.7

³⁰ Zamana, volume 6, Muhammad Ishaq Naz, Kanpur, June 1907, pp. 347-48,

 

 

³¹ Zamana, March 1907, pp. 171-172

³² Zamana, June 1906, pp. 355-359

³³ Urdu-e-Mualla, 1906

³⁴ Ali Jawad Zaidi, Urdu Mein Qaumi Shayari Ke Sau Saal, p

³⁵ Miskin Ali Hijazi, Pakistan-o-Hind mein Muslim Sahafat ki Mukhtasartareen Tarikh, p. 33

³⁶ Hasrat Mohani, “Mushahidat-e-zindaan”, Mualla, Dec.1909, p.9

³⁷ Zamana, March 1908, p. 203

³⁸ Miskin Ali Hijazi, Pakistan-o-Hind mein Muslim Sahafat ki Mukhtasartareen Tarikh, Sang-e-meel publication, 1989, Lahore.

(Sartaj Hafiz & Mohd Hussain Ganie are the PhD Scholar in History Department, AMU Aligarh and this paper was published in IJRAR)